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affirmative action policies, and so on. This entire infrastructure of ‘interest intermediation’ connecting citizenisation movements to the state has been weakened in the era of neoliberalism. Indeed, one of the first goals of neoliberal reformers was precisely to attack what they viewed as the inappropriate strings connecting the state to advocacy groups and social movements (James, 2013). Viewed from within the traditional framework of responsible citizenship, neoliberalism is seen by some as eroding both the traits of good citizenship (e.g. by valorising ‘consumers’ over ‘citizens’, or greed over public interest) and the spaces of citizenship (e.g. by commercialising the media or privatising public goods and public spaces). Neoliberalism is about encouraging and enabling people to be effective actors in global markets, not encouraging and enabling them to be effective citizens in democratic deliberation and self-government (Somers, 2008). Even when neoliberals seemed to embrace some of the discourses of earlier citizenisation movements – as in the neoliberal embrace of multiculturalism – the similarity in discourse hides different substantive commitments. Neoliberal multiculturalism endorses cultural diversity and transnational bonds insofar as they are market assets, promoting innovation, global economic linkages or entrepreneurship/work ethic, but ignores issues about how to build new relations of democratic citizenship in the face of histories of ethnic and racial hierarchy (Abu-Laban, 2009). I think there is some truth in this pessimistic reading of the impact of neoliberalism on the prospects for citizenisation. However, we should not ignore the extent to which neoliberalism offers its own conception of citizenship that we need to take seriously. Paradoxically, at the core of this conception of citizenship is precisely the idea of responsibility. Jacob Hacker (2006) defined neoliberalism as a ‘personal responsibility crusade’ in which risks that used to be seen as a matter of collective responsibility (such as unemployment, health, pensions) are said to be a matter of personal responsibility. As Hacker shows, the outcome of this personal responsibility crusade has often been damaging, but the conception of individual responsibility retains broad public appeal. In this context, it is not enough to bemoan the impact of neoliberalism on the virtues and sites of citizenship. The deeper challenge is to explain the role of personal responsibility within our conception of citizenship. We need a more sophisticated account of how to integrate the logic of shared responsibility inherent in citizenisation with the logic of individual responsibility. I believe that reforms aimed at redressing historic relations of hierarchy can often be seen as enabling people to take greater responsibility for their lives and choices. Conclusion In sum, framing issues of responsible citizenship in terms of the historic process and social project of citizenisation, rather than as a static list of traits and sites helps to deepen R e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s h i p : A n ew a p p r o a c h the analysis and bring fresh insights. It helps point us beyond traditional debates about the seedbeds and sites of responsible citizenship to focus on the restructuring of social relationships based on values of democratic consent and autonomy. There is a role for development actors here. The traditional framework for debating responsible citizenship has largely been monopolised by three disciplines: political science, law and education. This sort of disciplinary ‘ownership’ of citizenship makes sense on the traditional framework: assessing the formal legal status of citizenship engages the discipline of law; assessing whether individuals have the political dispositions and sites needed to enact their formal citizenship engages political science; and, insofar as schools are given a special role to educate people for citizenship, it engages the discipline of education. If we reframe the debate in terms of citizenisation, however, we immediately engage a much broader range of disciplines, including history, economics, sociology, psychology, geography, media studies and others. This begins to sound like ‘development’ of the best kind: knowledge, policy and practice that is capable of respecting and understanding human beings: their agency, dignity and diversity. References Abu-Laban, Yasmeen (2009) ‘The Welfare State Under Siege? Neo-liberalism, Immigration and Multiculturalism’, in Alexandra Dobrowolsky (ed.) Women and Public Policy in Canada: Neo- Liberalism and After? Don Mills: Oxford University Press: pp. 146–165. Bloemraad, Irene (2006) Becoming a Citizen: Incorporating Immigrants and Refugees in the United States and Canada. Berkeley: University of California Press. Cesari, Jocelyne (2009) The securitisation of Islam in Europe (CEPS Challenge Paper #15, Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels). Galston, William (1991) Liberal Purposes: goods, virtues, and duties in the liberal state. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Guetzkow, Joshua (2010) ‘Beyond Deservingness: Congressional Discourse on Poverty, 1964–96’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 629: pp. 173–197. Hacker, Jacob (2006) The Great Risk Shift: The New Economic Insecurity and the Decline of the American Dream. New York: Oxford University Press. James, Matt (2013) ‘Neoliberal Heritage Redress’, in Jennifer Henderson and Pauline Wakeham (eds.) Reconciling Canada: Critical Perspectives on the Culture of Redress. University of Toronto Press. Joppke, Christian (2007) ‘Immigrants and Civic Integration in Western Europe’, in Keith Banting, Keith., Courchene, Thomas., and Seidle, Leslie. (eds.), Belonging? Diversity, Recognition and Shared Citizenship in Canada. Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy. Kymlicka, Will (2010) ‘Testing the Liberal Multiculturalist Hypothesis: Normative Theories and Social Science Evidence’, Canadian Journal of Political Science 43/2: pp. 257–271. Commonwealth Governance Handbook 2013/14 95


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